...Treaty of Paris, December 10, 1898 -- "A Cause for Indignation" ...                                                                                                       ...Universal Declaration of Human Rights, December 10, 1948 -- "A Cause for Celebration" ...

 'Demands of Dignity'

'Demands of Dignity'

<DEVELOPING THE DISCOURSE ON OUR DECEMBER 1Oth DECLARATION>

 

      On-Line Edition of the Book by Ed Aurelio C. Reyes    

 Chapter 5-- Response to the American  Non-Response 

 

CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK:


 INTRODUCTORY ESSAY  


 FEEDBACK RECEIVED 


 AUTHOR'S INTRO 


 CHAPTER
UDHR '48: A Cause for Celebration


 CHAPTER
TP '98: A Cause for Indignation


 CHAPTER3 
Decade-old Document Dissected


 CHAPTER 4 

Response to the Spanish Response


 CHAPTER 5 

Response to the American Non-Response

Elaborating on a Parody

Two Myths Among Filipinos About Americans

America’s Long Double-Bladed History

Clueless About Global Resentment

A New Hope

App 5-A: Open Letter to the American People

App 5-B: Dear Whites, I Am No Racist! 

App 5-C: Mark Twain's 'The War Prayer'


 EPILOGUE

Demands of Dignity 


  EXCERPTS: 

-o0o

"The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, signed Dec. 10, 1948, has been a cause of celebration, and the Treaty of Paris, signed Dec. 10, 1898, has been a cause for indignation...   on the part of ALL  HUMANS."

-o0o-  

"The HUMANITY of ALL is ONE!  Assaults on the Rights of a human anywhere are assaults on the rights of all humans everywhere."

-o0o-

"The current Human Evolutionary Imperative is attaining Synergy in Conscious Oneness."

-o0o-

"We demand apologies not to uphold our national dignity, but to give the offenders the opportunity to uphold theirs."

-o0o-

"Demands for Human Dignity come from within Human Dignity itself."

-o0o-

"We seek redress, closure and healing...  Since the governments involved and the international organizations that depend on the consent of governments cannot be expected to support these calls or accord them any serious attention, we are calling upon the citizens of these and other nations, on the citizenry of the world."

-o0o-

"One of the factors underpinning the habit of trying to hide or mangle the truth is the illusion that facts hidden well enough as secrets can stay as such forever. Another is the illusion that you can harm your fellow-humans without harming yourself."

-o0o-

"Inevitably, eventually and ultimately, all wrongs cry out to be fully acknowledged, regretted, and set aright. Your peace of mind now and in the future demands it. Your very dignity demands it."

-o0o-

"Smile for Synergy! Seek One Humanity!"

 

  LINKS TO THE MAIN PARTS OF THE Demands of Dignity BOOK: 

Introductory Essay by Bernard Karganilla, Kamalaysayan chair

Introduction: Campaigning for Deeper, Broader Discourse

CHAPTERS: Introduction  Ch.1  Ch.2  Ch.3  Ch.4  Ch.5  Epilogue

Bibliography    Alphabetical Index    Publication Information

The Author: Ed Aurelio Reyes    The Publisher: Kamalaysayan   

GENERAL FEEDBACK    SPECIFIC FEEDBACK     FEEDBACK BOX

  Chapter Five

  ---------------------- 

Response to the

 American Non-Response

FOUR SCORE and thirty years ago, the United States of America brought forth on the Asian continent the destruction of its first republic, and committed genocide against a new nation to deny it its hard-earned liberty, indeed a most abominable violation of the proposition that all men are created equal.

When those who have, for one reason or another, committed to memory U.S. President Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address come across these lines, they would surely notice and subject to severe beating my “error in the number of years” in this obviously intended parody.  It is quite easy to concede this, for that would be the only “error” to be found in these lines.

Actually, when I first wrote these lines back in December 1985,1 it was then exactly 87 years after the events referred to, and I could use Lincoln’s exact opening words to produce a perfectly truthful paragraph.

This paragraph is so heavily loaded that one would perhaps be willing to excuse seeming errors in the number of years.  I would prefer that readers’ attention be focused on the content After all, really serious allegations these are.  But valid enough to prove beyond all doubt.

As a history researcher and popularizer, a campaigner for a keen sense of history (as distinguished from blind memorization focused on its details), I have developed the habit of noting the date of a significant event only to relate it to another date, and thus yield as bigger truths their chronology and also the time span between them.  Examples of these abound in this present work.  Take chronology, for example. Wouldn’t everyone raise a howl if the British had tried to sell the 13 colonies to another European power after July 1776 and some other nation, perhaps a more powerful one, came forward to buy them? 

(After all, the British Crown signed the earlier Treaty of Paris with the United States only seven years later, in 1783, formally ending the Revolutionary War that the erstwhile colonies won seven years earlier. Seven years is a long time, and the transaction may have been negotiated without having to involve the Americans at all, just by dismissing the latter as “incapable of self-government”!)2

Much more important than the dates and the time spans, I am most ready to assert that line by line, or phrase by phrase, everything in the first paragraph of that parody is founded on the Truth. As I owe proof, so do I offer them, and give them adequately throughout this work.

Before anyone has reason to be curious as to my motives in writing all these, let me give the assurance that I harbor only the noblest of intentions here: to seek full disclosure of the truth; redress and closure of a grave injustice perpetrated on millions, nay dozens of millions, or people; emancipation from prolonged conditions of ignorant bliss; and genuine human oneness and evolution.  Yes, these are intentions at least as noble as asserting the proposition that all men are created equal.  All humans are not only created equal but are also created as one, that is, in oneness, and should evolve enough maturity to remember this and, in full consciousness, to freely decide to act accordingly.  


Elaborating on a Parody

It may not be the usual way, much less the best way, to describe a century and a decade. Actually, by the time we came out with our 1998 Philippine Declaration of Felicitation and Protest, in December that year, it was the Golden Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and no less than the Centennial of the Treaty of Paris.  Now, a decade later, we are following up to develop a much wider-scale and much deeper discourse on our 1998 Declaration, hopefully from altered, more mature, perspectives.  At the bottom line, this author seeks the readers’ indulgence while invoking the “literary license” on the parody.

Did the Philippines in fact have a native nationwide state at the time the United States started a war of invasion early in February 1899 to enforce the purchase of the Philippines from Spain?  Yes. And it was not even just the first one that had been established; it was our third.

Jose Rizal came home to the Philippines with a blueprint, a fully democratic constitution for an archipelago-wide grassroots-based La Liga Filipina (Filipino League) that was to be built up openly as a mere reform-oriented entity expected to be viewed by the Spaniards as harmless and therefore allowable. The colonizers arrested Rizal with many other Liga leaders and exiled him indefinitely in Dapitan in northern Zamboanga, thus nipping in the bud his association and its vague perspective for building “dual power” in the localities.3

The first republic was established on August 24, 1896 three months and a half after the Asamblea Magna (“Great Assembly,” actually the first state assembly) held in a place called “Bitukang Manok” in Pasig town early in May, attended by leaders of the four-year old revolutionary organization (Katipunan) from various regions of the archipelago.4 That state, called “Haring Bayang Katagalugan” (Sovereign State of River-dwellers) had a president, Andres Bonifacio, who had a Cabinet.5 and an army. 

This government was defeated in a coup d’etat staged by a faction of the Katipunan in one provincial chapter led by General Emilio Aguinaldo, and was much later revived by forces loyal to the original founder and to the Katipunan ideals.6 

Before surrendering to the Spaniards in exchange for some concessions offered in a so-called “political settlement” that completely abandoned the revolutionary cause, Aguinaldo first established a government, also with a Cabinet and a Constitution, at the Biyak na Bato caves in the province of Bulacan.7 That was the second one. Before Aguinaldo and his group went on voluntary exile in Hong Kong in December 1897, bringing the money from the Spaniards, he called upon the Filipino revolutionaries to lay down their arms and stop the struggle.8

With Aguinaldo gone, however, they simply defied his order and continued the revolutionary fight with the same fervor and under the same original people’s war guerrilla strategy (“ilihan” warfare9) laid down by the Katipunan and the Katagalugan government. They engaged and gradually weakened and overran the Spanish forces all over Luzon and the Visayas, and even confiscated wide landholdings of the colonizers (which the US later saw fit to restore to the Spaniards). 

With this development, the Americans saw sense in contacting Aguinaldo in Hong Kong, and aided him in coming back to “resume” the struggle that had never really stopped.  Back in Cavite, he first set up a dictatorship that proclaimed “independence” from Spain under the protection of the US, and was later advised by Apolinario Mabini to prepare for a constituent assembly (Malolos Congress, which opened in mid-September 1898) and that body hammered out a constitution for a full republic that was finally inaugurated in Malolos, Bulacan on January 23, 1899. This was actually the third republic, which was later recognized in the world as the “first republic in Asia.”

(The Katagalugan republic was revived during the Filipino-American War by Gen. Miguel Malvar, and later by Macario Sakay.)

Yes, indeed, “the United States of America brought forth on the Asian continent the destruction of its first republic…” 

That the US also committed genocide among the people is adequately discussed in Chapter Two, specifically in Appendix 2-B (“War to Enforce a Sale”), on page 75. 

Were the Filipinos a new nation?  Yes.  For thousands of years, the local communities were internally practicing the socio-economics of synergy, called “bayanihan,”10 and were living among themselves in peace and harmony. But they we were not yet a nation with centralized politics and formally integrated economies of scale. That was still evolving in mutually-agreed voluntary clustering of petty kingdoms in evolving larger and larger constituencies. 

The Spanish colonizers claimed the archipelago as one big real estate property for the Spanish crown, and through a system of vassals and tribute collectors, the move for real division (among the territories of the growing number of these remotely-controlled vassals) and more division was started, even as the colonizers adopted the “divide and rule” strategy for subjugation. 

Uprisings were carried out throughout the archipelago but separately, and they all lost, except the united Moros and the indigenous tribes in the Cordillera and Mindanao who were never conquered.  Unity was only attained by the four-year gathering work of the Katipunan (Tagalog word for gathering) in preparation for the Revolution, and the outbreak of that unified countrywide effort with its own government established on August 24, 1896, signaled no less than the birth of the Filipino nation.11 

And this nation had to wage wars against two colonizer powers, defeating the first in almost exactly two years but being crushed by the second. With the sense of nationhood eclipsed by effective American education that promoted self-alienation and “swooning over everything American,” Filipinos still have to renew the lost sense of collective pride and patriotism to regain our full nationhood. A distinct movement has recently been launched to attain this by the year 2021, exactly half a millennium after Spaniards discovered our land and people for lucrative colonization.12

That the Filipinos had driven almost the whole of Spanish control into just their walled capital city by the time the American Navy came into the picture cannot be denied, it was in fact even categorically acknowledged by Dewey and the other American officers themselves.  This undeniable Filipino victory was, however, snatched from the Filipinos' hands through the pre-scripting of the Mock Battle of Manila that effected an almost bloodless turnover from the outgoing Caucasian colonizer to the incoming Caucasian colonizer, keeping out the real victors, the Filipino revolutionary forces. This author cannot imagine the present-day American people feeling proud about such an American "accomplishment"! A sense of shame would be more like it. 

And what liberty could the millions of widows and orphans of the American genocide in the Philippines possibly be allowed to enjoy?  For a time, they could not even display their own flag, whose three colors red, white and blue had ironically been officially chosen by the Aguinaldo government to salute the colors of the US stars and stripes.  Even their hearts were gagged from expressing their pains and woes, under threat of sedition and libel charges! 

Now, this writer cannot expect anyone sane to claim seriously that all these acts of the US government and armed forces were faithfully “dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.”  Far from indicating even just any hint of fidelity to such an ideal, or of even knowing about it, this has been indelibly etched in human history as “a most abominable violation of precisely that proposition. 

And rightly so.


Myths Among Filipinos About Americans

Generations of the widows and orphans of the Filipino-American War, as processed through American-imposed public education and university systems, became the consistent majorities of the miseducated Filipinos who have placed the Americans on the pedestal, thinking very highly of them, along with American products, language, systems, technologies, lifestyles, efficiency, aesthetics, material prosperity, etc. 

For such people who still compose the majority of our nation, all the woes suffered by our people are purely rooted in native corruption and tyranny.  For them the Americans, particularly the "real" (read: white) Americans, have simply been incapable of doing anything wrong, or of even just intending to do anything wrong to poor countries like the Philippines.

Whenever confronted with undeniable indicators of defect in the American ways, the bottom line recourse has been to declare our own ways and conditions in the Philippines as "hell by comparison."

This is the myth held in the hearts and minds of the majority who are bedazzled by the picture of "fun, modernity and prosperity" that they have picked up from American books and magazines, movies, television shows and computer programs.

This myth is of course erroneous. But no less mistaken has been its diametrical opposite. 

The more simplistic thinking among Filipinos have had the tendency to pendulum-swing from one extreme view to another, and within the growing minority of Filipinos who have seen through the artificiality, and even intended deception of at least some of the aspects of American projections, have gotten over their unfounded adulation over everything American, but have swung to the other extreme of suspecting, or dismissing outright as deceptive, anything American. 

The tendency in either case is to refuse to consider that contrasting, even opposing, sides of a single reality can actually be both true. 

To illustrate on the very topics at the heart of this book, namely, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Treaty of Paris:

About the UDHR, people who know about the role played by the United States in its inception and in the long process of crafting it all the way to UN General Assembly approval in 1948,13 are either overjoyed about it as an obvious milestone in the evolution of human consciousness (that has even branched out to the articulation of various specific human rights and the setting up of systems of invoking for universal observance), or they are, on the other hand, highly suspicious, even cynical, of some loaded bias for the side of the American ideological grouping within the then nascent UN organization.

The latter groups would be vulnerable to find themselves in the pitfall of forgoing whatever value they can have from invoking the UDHR, its consequent documents and the UN human rights mechanisms already in place, just because of what they perceive as limitations deliberately placed to favor the US and its allies.

About the TP, many people who have gotten themselves well-informed about the route of deceit and callous cruelty that the new imperialist power strung up all along the path of its premeditated acquisition of the Philippines lose sight of the fact that this was not a unanimously supported policy on the part of the American people. The Treaty and the war of aggression that was waged to force it literally down the throats of the Filipinos was widely opposed every step of the way by large segments of the American body politic, who had both self-centered and altruistic motives for the active pursuit of their chosen positions on the relevant issues.14 

The dedicated activists of the Anti-Imperialist League,15 the sharp pen of Samuel Clements ("Mark Twain")16; the shining example of Sgt. David Fagan and his fellow-blacks in the US invasion forces who defected to the defensive side of the colored natives17; and even the conscience-stricken American soldiers who could not sadistically enjoy obeying the orders for massive genocide, torture and arson and gave stomach-turning narrations18 -- they all have to be fully acknowledged and honored to have a balanced and therefore fair and accurate story.

If stubbornly maintained, the extreme, one-sided view in each of the myths, and the overreactions to these, block the path of objectivity and mature redress, closure and healing that all parties actually need to make possible for any player in this bloody drama to move on along the path of inner peace and real human evolution.19


America's Long Double-Bladed History

The turning point was said to have come with the closing of the internal frontier.20 The American ideals enshrined in such basic documents as the American Declaration of Independence, the U.S. Constitution and the Gettysburg Address had had to take secondary priority to the interests of American Big Business that desired much bigger markets.  It was allegedly then when the revolutionary former colony turned to the ways of colonization the 13 states had liberated themselves against.

It actually happened much earlier. The First Americans, mislabeled as "American Indians," due to the geographical ignorance of one Christopher Columbus,21 were forced out of the land they had freely lived and cared for dozens of centuries. 

The firearms of the white settlers from Europe were superior to the archery of the "copper-skinned" natives. On this basis, the European settlers interpreted themselves to be superior in many more ways to the natives, and that it was perfectly all right to grab their land and put them now into "reservation areas" where their demoralized bodies have been kept alive but shorn of their freely-blowing and nature-loving culture, incessantly tempted by the gambling dens of Las Vegas, and very far removed from the noble ways of Chief Seattle!22  Might is right!

Much later, the imperialists (the monopoly capitalists with world-wide empires that they have built up over the last century and a half23) have preferred to exploit more the inhabitants of the poorer countries while keeping their own people generally satisfied and proud. Part of such pride was kept rooted in the ideals of freedom, equality and democracy that have remained more in American rhetoric but have actually been shelved, even buried, in practice in the face of the practical needs of American financial capital and the war industry.24

Government policy has invariably sided with the latter. Successions of administrations in Washington D.C. have had to resort to grand deceptions to keep up the presence demanded by those Americans who have remained faithful to the original American revolutionary ideals that their government has actually discarded. Chapters Two and Three of this book are veritably dripping with official U.S. lies aimed at fooling mainly the American people.

These powerful politician and business policymakers have succeeded to fool some of the American people all of the time and also succeeded to fool all of the American people some of the time, but did not get to fool all the people all the time. But you cannot fault them for lack of trying. 

And even if they failed in the absolute sense, they succeeded in the relative timeframe. For example, the invasion of Iraq was pushed through against world opinion and substantial American public opinion. It was revealed that the CIA had actually known that the weapons of mass destruction story was just a figment of the imagination at the White House and that the Agency allowed then State Secretary Colin Powell to maintain that lie as he made his vital presentation before the UN Security Council by not telling him the truth.25 It got Powell and many other Americans furious when the secret was found out much later, but, come to think of it, the whole scheme worked! America got the Iraqi oil!  And the little "white lie" has since been largely ignored.

Holding a bright lamp at the entrance to the U.S. from the direction of Europe, the Statue of Liberty stands to symbolize an openness to embrace in people who are in need. She carries an inscription resonating the American self-image as the land of freedom and opportunity:

“Give me your tired, your poor,

Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,

The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.

Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me.

I lift my lamp beside the golden door.”26

The inscription implies that the "huddled masses" from many other lands just simply have to knock to get in and partake of the land's well-advertised freedom and prosperity.  Kept strong in the heart of the American people, the spirit of goodwill can somehow materialize to affect official policy again at some future date. Why future? Because it is not currently reflected in the law and practice of the federal government of the United States.

Consider this: Recently, what used to be called the Immigration and Naturalization Service has been reorganized. It is now U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. What used to be a bureau for immigration to the US is now the law enforcement agency designed to keep people out.

Aside from the generous spirit being violated by the government that the American people have consistently claimed to control by "exemplary democracy"  (actually, the people have not even been able to compel it to be truthful to them), there is something missing in the generosity framework itself. It is noble for the well-off of the world to wish to share part of their lifestyle of fun, pleasure and convenience with the "huddled masses" from poor countries who would knock at their door, assuming these would be let in. American advertising has always adequately projected the contrasts in the standards of living in terms of just that--a study in stark contrasts.

What is left out in the projection, or even in the admission, is the relation of causality between the contrasting realities, i.e., the U.S. economy is prosperous not just in contrast to the rest of the world but more as a result of what it has been getting from the rest of the world!

The fact the affluent in the U.S. and the other highly developed economies account for only about 20 percent of the world's population while consuming about 80 percent of the world's resources (leaving about 80 percent of the humans on this planet to make do with about 20 percent of the resources) has been monitored by international bodies as a gross imbalance that is still worsening to this very day.

And the world is not about ready to ascribe it all to pure American luck, population growth discrepancies, comparative educational attainments and different indices of willingness to work.  The consistent net outflow of resources from the poorer to the richer countries has given the world clues as to the presence of serious flaws in the dominant neo-liberal economic and financial systems being run and maintained by giant transnational banks and operated with the collaboration of entire governments.

Even with its periodic financial crises due to forced artificial growths and speculative and inflationary practices, the American portrait of relative prosperity remains and shall remain while the flow of money and of its inflationary derivatives within and across national boundaries still rules the economies of the "globalized world."

The free-trade Commandments of the Golden Calf will continue to rule, until money becomes too artificial, too far removed from Nature-based real production for real human needs, to remain useful at all. That time is sure to come but it is not to be expected very soon. Still, the American people do have to start rethinking for themselves their values and systems...and human ethics. 


Clueless About Global Resentment

The people of the United States obviously look at their country from a perspective very different from the viewpoint of the rest of the world. Apparently, the state governments are doing a fine job of taking care of their respective constituents while the federal government "takes care" of the rest of the world -- as extended battlefields and extended markets, as slave countries made up of lesser humans, as clients in global transactions where Washington holds all the powerful cards.

Considering the number of countries where American military, trade and financial operations have turned large sections of the respective populations into widows, orphans, physically debilitated, evacuees, refugees, beggars, and so on, it is not at all surprising anymore that the American star-spangled banner is not exactly the most well-loved flag on earth.  And the federal government has had no need for any affection, either, not unlike a bully who always gets its way by a clever combination of deception and brute force. Wasn't it former President Theodore Roosevelt who said that the U.S., being the "policeman of the world" had to speak softly while carrying a big stick?27

But there is that heart of America, the people themselves, whose political savvy has been focused on state politics and whose knowledge about world affairs has long been clouded with selective perception as molded by a fanatically patriotic paradigm criticized l01 years ago by the anti-imperialist Samuel Clemens ("Mark Twain"). The famous author of Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn wrote in 1907:

“Citizenship? We have none! In place of it we teach patriotism which Samuel Johnson said a hundred and forty or a hundred and fifty years ago was the last refuge of the scoundrel — and I believe that he was right. I remember when I was a boy and I heard repeated time and time again the phrase, ‘My country, right or wrong, my country!’ How absolutely absurd is such an idea. How absolutely absurd to teach this idea to the youth of the country.”28

Such selective perception, plus their real focus on own local concerns, may very well have led to a measure of real ignorance on the part of a large section of the American body politic about U.S. deeds the world over.  These deeds are invariably described as necessary for the defense of freedom and democracy for all and for the preservation of the American lifestyle, the last one mentioned having been used as an excuse not to join the other big and small pollution-spewing countries in signing the Tokyo Protocol.29

Why does this writer have to bring in the element of ignorance? Firstly, it is the only logical explanation available short of malicious collective complicity, an interpretation I am not prepared intellectually or emotionally to make. Secondly, when Americans were hurt, physically and emotionally, by the September 11 bombing of the World Trade Center back in 2001, they appeared and sounded really sincerely clueless as to why America could be a target of such a heinous act.30 "Why us?  Why target us?" they cried with real tears.

This writer contributed lines to the post-9/11 poem, Nostraverus: Our Truth, created by our synergism-oriented organization, and among these lines were these that pertained to this deep shock. We were praying "God bless America!" when we wrote this quatrain, the fifth one of ten in that poem:31

God, please bless these people, so proud to be mighty and free!

Heal their wounds and pains; lovingly dry their bitt’rest of tears.

Cure them of hatred and confusion, and help them to deeply see.

Why anger of many ‘round the world for stripe’d flag is so fierce?

Mark Twain has had an answer to this for more than a century by now. In his piece on the American Flag, the great novelist "confessed":

“I was not properly reared, and had the illusion that a flag was a thing which must be sacredly guarded against shameful uses and unclean contacts, lest it suffer pollution; and so when it was sent out to the Philippines to float over a wanton war and a robbing expedition I supposed it was polluted, and in an ignorant moment I said so. But I stand corrected. I concede and acknowledge that it was only the government that sent it on such an errand that was polluted. Let us compromise on that. I am glad to have it that way. For our flag could not well stand pollution, never having been used to it, but it is different with the administration.”32

The "Old Glory," another name for the U.S. stars and stripes, was sent to preside over the gory war in the Philippines at the turn of the century, and was sent by alternating Democratic and Republican administrations to be soaked in the heroic blood of many other peoples worldwide in the hundred years that followed the war of aggression in the Philippines. We were just the first.

While we appreciate the opposition a large section of the American people mounted against the ratification of the Treaty of Paris in 1899 and against the war waged to subjugate us to accept it, we also take note of the legitimate but narrow reason why some of them did so. Americans were concerned about American lives.  But there were two historic massacres that the American people met with a magnitude of revulsion beyond concern for their own relatives.  These are the My Lai Massacre in Vietnam in 1968, and the much earlier Massacre at Wounded Knee Creek in 1890.33  Massacres here in the Philippines polluted the U.S. flag in a period between these two.

It should not be deemed too much for Filipinos to ask now that Americans and other peoples of the world take a long hard look at the forgotten Samar and Batangas massacres during the Philippine-American War that lasted much longer and took much more casualties in the number of civilians sent to their deaths at a very early age of ten. "Kill everyone capable of bearing arms," Gen. Jake Smith ordered for Samar, "ten years old" and above.  It should neither be deemed too much for us to insist now that the Americans seriously consider returning to the Philippines the Balangiga Bells that the US military stole.

It is actually in the best interest of the American people, first and foremost, to know and acknowledge these atrocities. The U.S. government can be compelled by the people to go all out in making a clean breast of this. And the American media can really help the people in doing this. Unlike the revelation of The Pentagon Papers34 during the Vietnam War, detailed accounts on the Filipino-American War obviously have no more tactical value for America's perceived enemies.


A New Hope

This writer's brother, Shyam Tony Reyes, who has lived in the United States for more than three decades now, very recently wrote a song that celebrates a new miracle, a new hope upon a call for America to "listen to your heart."  The lines bear singing together, as soon as we learn the tune:35

Listen to your heart, America!

Listen to your heart, sweet America!

Choose the path of love and healing

We can see the Love clearly in the children of the world

Who reach out from their hearts to help those in need.

Look around, look around you; they’re here to set us free

Let their hearts lead us to the new world we love to see...

That makes it easier to be the Light;

That makes it easier to be the Light;

Making it easier to think things right;

The lyrics resonate with the very spirit of this book, particularly Chapters Two and Five and a good part of Chapter Three. The present Chapter is titled as a response to a non-response, because our 1998 Declaration really got no response from the US Embassy in Manila after that document was handcarried. And we were not at all surprised.  After all, the document was delivered to the U.S. government!36 

This time, our sentiments are more properly addressed to the American people, to their very hearts. And if only they could use more their hearts to discern more sensitively between the truths and the untruths from the pronouncements of the U.S. federal government, if they could only more strongly express their hearts' sentiments that can really resonate with the sentiments of the Rest of Humanity, hope for a new miracle in America, a miracle that is America, well within and not above the context of a worldwide community, shall have found the strongest basis for resolute fulfillment. It will definitely unfold a story much more touching and amazing than anything Hollywood's creativity can ever spin out.

It is fortuitous that these last chapters of this humble volume are being written now that the people of the United States have just shown themselves and everybody else that they really desire change and that they are capable of making significant steps to carry that desire toward fruition. They have thus created a number of historic firsts during the presidential elections. 

On the day of the U.S. elections, this writer teamed up with Donald Goertzen, the American co-initiator of the organization called SYCONE-Humanity, and sent out to all addressees in our e-groups and e-mail directories these ponderings:

What we all just had with Barack Obama's victory in the US elections: a new historic sequel to Haley’s Roots; a new episode to Lincoln’s Gettysburg piece, a new challenge for the ideals of Sgt. Fagan of a century ago; a new opportunity for the fulfillment of Luther King’s dream for togetherness of children of many skin colors, and for the Jackson-McCartney Harmony on harmony; a new hope for a multiracial nation who has just chosen a chief leader from a race other than white, who can now face the “white man’s burden” from a perspective quite different from Kipling’s;  a significant stride towards Bishop Tutu’s real humanity possible only in togetherness.

We encourage the new US leadership to commit itself to the well-being not only of the American people but also of the Whole Planet and of all people.

 Obama's racial origin was not the reason he was given a landslide victory, but it was very significant that he won in spite of it. This is to be rightly considered more the American people's victory than his own and of his political party, the Democrats. A victory for maturity!

His triumph symbolizes the historic break from an unbroken line of 43 all-white previous presidents, and proved for the first time in U.S. history that non-whites, let alone blacks, are no longer to be treated as second-class citizens in his multi-racial country.  Early policy speeches, both as candidate and as president-elect have projected him as a credible champion for change in foreign policy and people-empowering governance, although the challenges he now faces are formidable.

The urgent challenge is to turn the US economy on the road to quick recovery; the bigger and more important challenge is to change the American ways that have contributed greatly to the ultimate causes of the financial debacles and an entire Gordian Knot of world crises in the environment, in food and energy, in peace and harmony, in everything.

The Republican personalities that the American electorate stood up together recently to reject were not different from many of their Republican and Democrat counterparts in the White House all the way back from the time of William MacKinley when the United States first embarked on becoming a world power, at the expense of the world.

The American people have stood up together to prove they can elect a Barack Obama. What remains to be seen is whether they are willing to help him keep to the path of change and succeed along that path, for the sake of America and the rest of Humanity. That would most probably require them to undergo much attitudinal change especially in validating for all the world to see that they really are dedicated to the proposition that all humans are created equal.

Why is this author writing a response to the American non-response to our 1998 Declaration?  Because with copies of that document, and this book itself, reaching many American hearts and minds that are now undergoing positive change, and with a new American federal government giving Filipinos and other peoples of the world early signs of eagerness for real change, we might just be able to get a real positive response this time around.  Such response will go a long way in getting redress, closure and healing that we have been seeking for all.

We seek apologies for real, historical, offenses, not so we can regain our dignity.  We seek them so that those who owe them, also historically, can cleanse themselves of such sin of omission and regain their own dignity. Honor is never to be seen in the refusal to articulate sincere regrets. Honor shines in honest humility, and we are confident that even the U.S. federal government can be pushed by the American people to learn this, to start a new US track record in world history.


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 APPENDICES: 

App 5-A: Open Letter to the American People

App 5-B: Dear Whites, I Am No Racist! 

App 5-C: Mark Twain's 'The War Prayer'


 'FOOTNOTES': 


 1“Emil Gamat” (a penname of Ed Aurelio C. Reyes during martial law) “Please Let Our Country Be! (An Open Letter to the American People),” 1986: Hectic and Historic (Manila: Dispatch Publica- tions, 1987), pp. 1-5.

2This would be tantamount to amending the pertinent passage in the American Declaration of Independence to read: “…all men, who are deemed capable of self-gov- ernment, are created equal,” even if such amendment be blessed with any sense. 

3People empowerment through self-organization and participation even just in aspects of governance… 

4The late former Sen. Jose W. Diokno once asserted, “Without (the Great Assembly at) Bitukang Manok, there could not have been (the ‘First Cry’ at) Pugadlawin, (the ‘Proclamation of Indepen- dence’ at) Kawit, or (the inauguration of the Philip- pine Republic at) Malolos.”  

Source: “Kapulungan sa Bitukang Manok,” Tambuli ng Dakilang Lahi (magazine), August 2006,  pp. 17-18.

5La Ilustracion Española correspondent G. Reparaz reported, in the February 8, 1897 issue of the publication, the following Cabinet members in Bonifacio’s government: Teodoro Plata, secretary of war; Emilio Jacinto, secretary of state; Aguedo del Rosario, secretary of the interior; Briccio Pantas, secretary of justice; and Enrico Pacheco, secretary of the economy. Source: Ed Aurelio C. Reyes, Bonifacio: Siya Ba Ay Kilala Ko? (Bonifacio: Do I Really Know Him?), English Version, (Manila: Kamalaysayan, 2004, p. 47, quoting a contributed article by historian Dr. Milagros Guerrero.

6At one time, close to the heels of the execution of Andres Bonifacio, the “Haring Bayang Katagalugan” republic was revived by Gen. Miguel Malvar. After Malvar had surrendered to the US forces, it was revived by Macario Sakay. Generally the revolutionary people remained faithful to the Katipunan ideals and strategy, which led them to archipelago-wide victory against Spanish rule in less than two years. That this victory was snatched from their hands by the new colonizer who had pretended to be their ally, is another story. 

7Biyak na Bato Constitution and Republic, see Teodoro Agoncilio, History of the Filipino People (8th Ed.), pp.182-184, 200.

8On December 30, 1897, French Consul in Manila G. de Bérard reported to his principals in Paris a report which quoted Aguinaldo as having declared in a formal proclamation: “I declare, out of the jurisdiction of the constituted government of the revolution, without right to be called insurgents or revolutionaries, nor entitlement to any of the privileges concluded with the Spanish government, those who would disobey my orders to lay down their arms and obstruct the realization of the program of pacification. xxx  Those who would not obey my orders and oppose the efforts of pacification, by continuing to hold on to their ranks within the revolutionary government shall be no longer under our supervision and shall be declared thieves and bandits.”  Source: French Consular Dispatches on the Philippine Revolution, compilation of reports by Consul G. de Bérard, as translated into English by Ma. Luisa T. Camagay (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1997), p. 48. 

9Dr. Zeus Salazar of the University of the Philippines explains the Ilihan warfare in the Bagong Kasaysayan periodical’s special pamphlet on the subject:  Written in Tagalog and Filipino and as freely translated into English for inclusion here, Salazar’s explanation follows: “During the Revolution, Bonifacio employed the ilihán as base areas for the struggle of the people (i.e., the communities of the Anak ng Bayan that form the Inang Bayan through the Revolution), in order to attack the pueblos (old municipalities or new communities formed the reduccion). The areas involved in the ilihán are often steep difficult-to-climb mountains (not mere hills) from where to start raids on surrounding pueblos.  Many such ilihán were clustered in various mountain ranges in various areas across the archipelago. This was the “reál” warfare of the (Katipunan).”

10Commonly symbolized by people carrying a nipa hut together in teamwork, “bayanihan” is the application of the spiritual and scientific principle of synergism (“one plus one equals three”) on socio-economic activities like farming and shoreline net fishing, to magnify total strengths and lighten the workload of the people.  Volunteerism as a common ethical norm is still alive among Filipinos, although cash economy and mechanization have downplayed the need for the earlier applications of the principle.

11In the last week of August 1896, the decentralized operations of the centrally coordinated revolutionary armed struggle against Spanish rule started. It was the first ever unified enterprise of the communities throughout the archipelago, with the Katipunan-led communities mainly in Luzon and the Visayas finally joining among themselves in a unified revolutionary movement and joining up with the Moros in Mindanao in a unified anti-Spanish war. This historic development and the establishment of the first-ever native government with nationwide coverage on August 24, 1896, was no less than the Birth of the Nation.

12By 2021, the Philippines shall have had half a century of interaction with the Spanish colonialists.  Kamalaysayan (Solidarity on Sense of History) and its fraternal organizations will be launching a consciousness campaign of full decolonization in terms of what our people would continue to seek and continue to allow to dominate our lives. 

13First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, wife of then US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, played a key role in leading all those who were actively involved in crafting and finalizing the drafts of what was later approved by the UN General Assembly in 1948 as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

14Behind the active pursuit of their chosen positions on the issues relevant to the ratification of the Treaty of Paris and the waging of war to enforce it, Americans had the self-serving but legitimate motive of protectionism, and also had the predisposition to keep faithful to the ideals enshrined by their Founding Fathers in their basic documents.

15Read the comprehensive book on the Anti-Imperialist League written by Daniel Boone Schirmer under the title, Republic or Empire: American Resistance to the Philippine War (Cambridge: Schenkman Publishing Co., 1972) 298 pp.

16See JimZwick.net; and http://twainweb,net/reviews

/zwick.html.

17David Fagan was a black American who defected to the Filipino side during the Filipino-American War. He was a six-foot US soldier who earned the rank of captain in the resistance forces.

18See “Accounts in Letters from Soldiers,” Appendix 2-B, p. 78.

19The habit of all-sidedness, of seeking to grasp the totality of any situation by finding out and taking into full considerations all the various and similar viewpoints and aspects in a configuration is part of human evolution.

20See H. Zinn’s account on the closing of the internal frontier, on p. 32.

21Christopher Columbus thought his expedition had reached the Indies after crossing the Atlantic Ocean. According to science popularizer Carl Sagan, Columbus had been an itinerant peddler of old maps and an assiduous reader of books by and about ancient geographers, including Eratostheness who had described the “enterprise of the Indies” as passing from Iberia to India.  However, for such a project to succeed, i.e., for the ships and crews to survive the long voyage, the Earth had to be smaller than the measurements of Eratostheness. Columbus therefore cheated on his calculations, as examiners in the faculty of the University of Salamanca correctly pointed out.  He used the smallest possible circumference of the Earth and the greatest eastward extension of Asia he could find in all the books available to him. And then he exaggerated even those, Sagan tells us. (Carl Sagan, Cosmos (New York: Random House Inc., 1985.  Underscoring supplied.).

22Chief Seattle was the chief of the Suquamish tribe of First Americans. At the time this speech was made in 1854, it was commonly believed by whites and by many “Indians” that Native Americans would inevitably become extinct. Considering their numbers and conditions by now, the projected extinction is apparently well on its way to fulfillment.  There are a number of versions but they are all parallel in content, with two versions available for viewing in http://www.kyphilom.com/www/

seattle.html.  .

23Imperialists, was a term popularized by the Anti-Imperialist League of the United States to describe the expansionist policy of the country under the leadership of Republican President William MacKinley.

24In shelving and burying these ideals for the pragmatic needs of American big business and military interests, one of the earliest steps had to be revisionism, inserting qualifying amendments to the basic declarations, like what Sen. Alfred Beveridge did when he publicly declared on January 9, 1900 that “The Declaration is applicable only to people of self-government.”

 25For details on the CIA “trick” played on Sec. Powell at the UN Security Council in 2003, about Iraq’s supposed weapons of mass destruction (WMD), please open http://www.salon.com/opinion/blum

enthal/2007/09/06/bush_wmd/

26Source of text of the inscription at the Statue of Liberty: http://www.zyra.org.uk/

liberty1.htm

27US Pres. Theodore Roosevelt said in a speech in Chicago in April 1903: “‘Speak softly and carry and big stick; you will go far.’  If the American nation will speak softly, and yet build and keep at a pitch of the highest training a thoroughly efficient navy, the Monroe Doctrine will go far.”  Wikipedia describes the “Big Stick Ideology,” or “Big Stick Policy,” as a form of hegemony and was the slogan describing U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt’s corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. The term originated from the phrase “Speak softly and carry a big stick; you will go far,” a West African proverb. The term is used to describe the foreign policy of the U.S. at the time; Roosevelt claimed the U.S. had the right to oppose European actions in the Western Hemisphere. The U.S., he said, also had the right to intervene economically and militarily in the domestic affairs of its neighbors if they proved incapable of maintaining peace and sovereignty on their own. The U.S. has used big stick diplomacy several times, particularly during Roosevelt’s presidency.

28Mark Twain, “True Citizenship at the Children’s Theater,” 1907.

 29President George W. Bush refused to sign the Kyoto Protocol, saying the US government is not willing to compromise the lifestyles of the American people.  But even with that explanation, groups of private American citizens have refused to be used as the excuse.  Some of them expressed this at the Global Warming conference convened by the United Nations in Bali, Indonesia in December 2007; stress balls sporting the planet earth look were given out, marked with the words “The Other US is with You!”

30Much earlier, another heinous crime resulting in American deaths took place in mysterious and still unsolved circumstances that also gave the White House the excuse to call for war: the sinking of USS Maine at the Havana port in Cuba. Wikipedia informs us that a total of four investigations into the causes of the explosion and sinking of USS Maine were conducted, with the investigators coming to different conclusions. The Spanish and American versions would carry on with divergences. Less than a decade ago, in 1999, an investigation commissioned by National Geographic Magazine and carried out by Advanced Marine Enterprises concluded that “it appears more probable than was previously concluded that a mine caused the inward bent bottom structure and the detonation of the magazines.” However there is still much contention over what caused the explosion. Spanish and loyalist Cuban opinions included a theory that the United States government may have intentionally caused the detonation as a pretext to go to war with Spain (see http://en.wiki

pedia.org/wiki/Spanish-American_

War).   

Similarly, right after the "9/11" plane-bombing raids on New York and Washington, the American public and much of the rest of the world were made to feel they knew for sure that Afghan rebel figure Osama Bin Laden and the Al Qaeda group were the culprits. As in the case of the sinking of USS Maine in the port of Havana, nothing has yet been proven up to now as to who really masterminded and executed the "9/11" opera- tions.  In both cases, uncer- tainty never tempered the war hysteria against the demonized suspects tried only by publi- city. Rage against the sus- pects, and all who seemed to sympathize with them, was viewed as patriotism.

31See http://saniblakas.faithweb.

com/nostraverus.htm (uploaded in September 2001) 

32Twain, “The American Flag,” 1901.

33The Massacre at Wounded Knee Creek, South Dakota, on December 29, 1890 ended with 300 men, women and children of the Lakota Sioux and 25 government troopers dead. 

(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/

Wounded_Knee_massacre) 

The My Lai Massacre in Vietnam in March 16, 1968 accounted for 347 to 504 unarmed citizens dead (mostly civilians), many bearing signs of having been tortured and raped and some bodies mutilated. Of the 26 US soldiers initially charged with criminal offences for their actions at My Lai, only William Calley was convicted and he served only four and one-half months of his two-year sentence. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/My_

Lai_massacre). 

On the other hand, the Batangas massacres left 100,000 dead, and the Samar “howling wilderness” massacres left at least as many casualties.  These massacres of Filipinos really deserve to be known and remembered well by Americans and Filipinos alike, at least to a similar extent as those in Wounded Knee Creek and in Vietnam.

34The "Pentagon Papers Case": On June 13,1971, the New York Times run its first story on the Pentagon Papers, under the headline “Vietnam Archive: Pentagon Study Traces 3 Decades of Growing U.S. Involvement.”  The fol- lowing day, Attorney General John Mitchell warned the Times via phone and telegram against further publication; and on Tuesday June 15, the government sought and won a restraining order against the Times – an injunction subse- quently extended to the Washington Post when that paper picked up the cause.  The epic legal battle that ensued culminated on June 30, 1971 in the U.S. Supreme Court’s 6-3 decision to lift the prior restraints – arguably the most important Supreme Court case ever on freedom of the press.

35The 1998 Declaration was delivered on December 10, 1998, exact Centennial of the Treaty of Paris, to US federal government through the US Embassy in Manila. This time around, the text of that document, along with certain vital experts from this book will be sent to scores of e-group and email addresses the world over. 

36SYCONE-Humanity is a world wide synergism-oriented network aimed at doing what its name describes: “Seek One Humanity,” where the coined word also means “Synergy in Conscious Oneness.”  It encourages and develops multinationality discourses and friendships for the active advocacy of human development and harmony. It is based in the International Academy of Management and Economics (IAME) in Makati City, the Philippines.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 






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